The study of pre-Hispanic flutes from southern Andes (south coastal and highland Perú, highland Bolivia and Argentina, northern to central Chile) shows a special acoustic feature similar to the one used by present day ritual flute orchestras of central Chile. The continuity between both instruments has been established, although present day performances include much Spanish influence (Catholic images, the Bible texts, among others). The similarity between this flute use and another one, the siku of Aymara and Quichua highland communities is revisited, showing both as part of a shared tradition of pre-Hispanic origin. The most complex aspect of this tradition is a kind of polyphonic structure that emerges when many similar flute orchestras gather in a ritual Fiesta at certain dates of the year. The social structure of this polyphonic event shows an special relation between individuals, with social consequences that can be associated with Andean society. The relation between this social structure, present-day musical experiments using it, and the possibility to use it as a tool for understanding our societies is revisited.

Keywords: pre-hispanic flutes, southern andes, chinos, musician

From about 40 years I have been studying pre-Hispanic flutes from southern Andes (Chile, Argentina, Bolivia, Peru). From the firts approaches, in the 1980s, I noticed that many flutes share a similar structure of the internal tube that shows two internal diameters, one wider in the upper part, and one narrower in the lower part, thus I name it tubo complejo (complex tube). In organological terms, it seems it was intended to produce a special quality of the sound, but ¿what quality was it? This tube appears in different flute types, made in different material, in different cultures. The oldest ones are panpipes with several tubes made of ceramic, described in Paracas culture (700 bc–200 ac.) and in early Nazca (100–400 ac.), both in the dessert coast of southern Perú.^1‒5 Another type of panpipe, almost reduced to one typology of four tubes, provided with a side handle, made of stone, and some made of wood, have been found in the highland of Oruro salt flat, Bolivia, from Yura culture (400-1200),⁶ in Chile, from the northern dessert San Pedro culture (900-1200), the green dessert Diaguita culture (1200-1400),⁷ the central valley’s Aconcagua culture (1200-1550), in Argentina adjacent regions from Jujuy to Mendoza.⁸ A later version, with two symmetrical handles appear in Chile southern lake region, in Pre-Mapuche culture (¿1300-1600?).⁹ Resuming, we have a long tradition of a special tube-flute construction that covers many centuries and a great region of southern Andes, whose history I resume in two articles.^7,8 Stone flutes presents a paradoxical construction dilemma, because it is one of the most difficult material to use for the construction of flutes (specially with a precise bore as complex tube), but this effort does not improve the sound, as all acoustic research made by acoustic specialist Arnaud Gérard prove.¹⁰ But, thanks to this stone flutes, we have an archeological record in central and southern Andes where organic materials (wood, cane) have not been preserved, because of climate conditions.

Meanwhile, we know that in present day central Chile exist an ancient tradition of ritual flute-dancers called bailes chinos¹ that uses flutes with complex tube, similar to the prehispanic ones, made of wood. They formed orchestras of many flutes, plus one or more drums. With Claudio Mercado and other investigators,² we began a study of the bailes chinos traditions in Aconcagua valley, near Santiago. The sound of their flutes, that they called sonido rajado (thorn sound), is very different to any other flute sound we know; it is a strong, complex, dissonant and vibrated sound with multiple harmonics and acoustic properties (multiphony, batimiento, dissonance, dynamic vibrato) whose unstable structural characteristics is not easy to describe.¹¹ This sound was so strange to European ears that we find not a single description of it in 500 years of colonial or republican writings.³

Chinos (as musicians self-define) have a great esthetic value for this sound, they are capable to distinguish many variables, one of whom, named catarra sound, is the most appreciated one, with a heavy vibrato and a penetrating voice.¹² To produce the sonido rajado, in any of its variants, it is necessary to use a very specific technique, with a heavy and strong blowing, but controlling it so to obtain the lower notes of the register equilibrated with the higher ones. To achieve mastery on this technique, so simple it seems, it requires years of practice. Claudio Mercado joints the bailes and soon becomes a very good player (I never reach a good sound quality). To make a link between these wooden flutes and the pre-Hispanic stone ones, from the same region, Claudio experiment this playing technique on some archeological flutes.⁴ The result was astounding; the stone flutes, some presumable 700 years old, not only gives sonido rajado, but the best of them, the appreciated catarra sounds.¹³ This is not possible to interpret as a coincidence; it is impossible to match so a specific tube characteristic with so a specific playing technique to obtain the specific catarra sound. Later on, we repeat this same experiment with Diaguita flutes from the Museo Arqueológico de La Serena, the Museo del Limari, and other futes from different Museum and collection, from Mapuche and Atacameño origin, always with similar results. This confirms us that there is continuity between flute construction and, presumably, the same playing technique to sound them.

Present day baile chino tradition extended from Aconcagua to Copiapó valleys, some 600 km north. They compart the same flute and playing techniques characteristics, with some minor differences (flutes of cane or wood, certain stylistic playing). This region covers a small portion of pre-Hispanic tube complex tradition. North of Copiapó we have not found the complex tube flutes in use. South of Aconcagua valley, the Mapuche Indians still use this flutes, called pifilkas, associated to shamanic practices,⁹ using the paired playing of chino’s flutes but not in orchestras, but in dual playing. I will use pifilka name to call all existing one-complex-tube flutes in this article. The complex, strong, unstable sounds of pifilkas are shared by similar sound produced by a lot of Bolivian highland flutes, as wapululus, lawa k’umus, chaqalladas, pinkullus and many others. They show different acoustic structures designed to produce complex sounds, and uses special playing techniques to emphasizes harmonics and multiphonic sounds.^11,14‒20 This confirms that a similar sound esthetics is shared in a wide region of southern Andes, part of which have proofs of it presence during seven centuries or more. But although the use of pifilka among Mapuche people shows a continuity of cultural traits among an indigenous culture (language, rituals, dress, etc), chinos does not show any indigenous characteristic, nor in their language, clothes or any other aspects. They are peasants, or fishermen or miners. In Aconcagua, their proximity to Santiago makes them much occidentalized. History has taught us that indigenous traditions were completely erased in the XVII or XVIII century in this region. When we asked chinos, they didn’t recognize any link with aboriginal antecessors, and they thought the origins of their musical practices and flutes comes from king David, as shown in the Bible.⁵ Probably they have lost any linkage with their ancestors, due to the colonial practice of erasing every ancient practice and knowledge to be replaced with Spanish Christian ones. Today fiestas de chino rituals happens in Christian dates (the Virgin Mary, Saint Peter, etc.), and the songs refer to these Christian myths. But their music, the production of the sound (playing technique, organological characteristics) and orchestral coordination (sound relations, social relations) are all of local, no-European origin.⁶ Bailes chinos music is based on the strong, atonal and complex sound of the flutes. Flutes are paired; they are played alternately, making an ever-ending complex sound. Many of these pair of different sizes (different pitches at dissonant rate), formed the baile, playing in unison to fuse in a great atonal chord that extend for several octaves, of great intensity, that can sound by hours without pause, because the effort is distributed between pairs of musicians. The main characteristic of these orchestras is to sound as one gigantic instrument, so I called them flautas colectivas (collective flutes).⁷ This music characteristics are the same we found in another indigenous flute orchestras, the sikuriada (a type of panpipe) we found in the highland Titicaca region, among Aymara and Quichua people, thousands of kilometer north from baile chino tradition.

¹The name baile chino (literally “Chinese dance”), does not refer to the oriental Chinese, but to a colonial word chino, meant service man, given by the Spanish people to Indians in general, and maintained in most of Andean countries till the end of XX century. Present day chinos consider himself as servants of Virgin Mary or other saints.

²Project FONCECYT Nº 92/351, 1992-1993, with Agustín Ruiz, Milton Godoy and other collaborators.

³The only mentions found were short phrases that describe the sound as animal ones (birds, donkey, seagull, etc.), not mentioning it as music, not even as a human-produced sound.⁷

⁴He played two similar Aconcagua flutes, one from the Museo Nacional de Historia Natural and the other from the Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino (Santiago), with his chino partner, Guillermo Diaz, from baile chino Pucalán.

⁵Today this have change, mainly by the learning they have from Claudio Mercado, who is a chino and also anthropologist and archeologist.

⁶Also, they showed no other influences, as African or Polynesian. A discussion of the permanence of sonic bailes chinos identity see Pérez de Arce.²⁹

⁷ Mapuche pifilkas are outside this orchestral playing, thus does not enter on my later argumentations.

The sikuriada tradition has been largely studied,⁸ and we found in it all the main sound characteristics described above (complex sound of flutes, several sizes of not-precise matching, dual chords, unison playing, collective flutes). The siku (flute) is divided in two parts, called ira-arka, each has half of the notes, interspersed between them two. Each sikuri (musician) practices an alternated playing with his partner to produce the melody. Normally sikus are made to produce a complex sound, rich in harmonics,²¹ mostly have palk’a, a second row of tubes, made to enrich the timbre. To play a melody, both sikuri must coordinate their blowing so precisely as to be heard as a single musician. All paired flutes in the orchestra plays in unison, as a collective flute, making a dense melody with a dense complex timbre structure, made by the superposition of many flutes of different sizes, and made as not to match exactly, so to produce acoustics alterations similar to the sonido rajado ones. The sound esthetics is not only rooted in the music, but in the structure of sound.⁹

The pre-Hispanic evidence of panpipes in the Andes is well known from 3.000 B.C., and extends from Arica (northern Chile) to Ecuador. Their quantity and variety is greater than in any other part of the world.²² We have some good evidences of dual (ira-arka) sikus trough paired instruments and iconography of dual playing, but none is definite, because the only way to be absolutely sure of dual playing is to observe them in the act of playing, interspersing their sounds. We only have this witnessed description from XX century, when this dual technique was observed in the Titicaca region by folklore studies researchers.^23‒26 In the previous centuries we have none description of it, save only one, given by Garcilaso de la Vega²⁷ who witnessed, and probably participate in a sikuriada in Cuzco around 1550.¹⁰ He describes with detail the dual instrument, the dual playing technique and the different sizes, and declares they were used as a selected music in the court of the Inca, but pointing its origin was not Cusco (Inka’s capital city), but Colla (Titicaca) region. Inca politics, based on a complimentary reciprocity system, uses to take preciated aspect of foreign cultures to Cusco,²⁸ and music was part of this reciprocity.¹¹ From Garcilaso c. 1550 to XX century there is not a single description of sikuriada dual playing system. This is not unusual, because normally somebody that doesen’t know this technique cannot perceive it from the outside, and in a broad perspective, music playing techniques are associated to a kind of “friendly” type of transmission, that one reserved to family and friends, where you can share melodies, instruments and playing technniques. This kind of transmission was almost absent in America from the invasion time, and the relation between aboriginal people and the state was based on the “war” side of transmission, reserved for the enemy, where you try to destroy any music from the enemy. Indigenous music did not penetrate the cities of Chile, there were no musical instruments, nor tunes coming from Mapuche settlements into urban people, until recent times. On the other side, it has become a custom from Spanish times to denigrate Indian “art”, and music among it as part of his “lack of culture”. Part of this attitude is based on the difference of aesthetic perspectives,³⁴ and also based in a strong desire from mestizo citizens to detach from Indians people. The collective flutes were seen as poor ‘barbaric’ costumes, and the dual technique was invisible for them. From the 1980s there is a greater amount of learned sikuris that have begun to describe their practice, and at the same time there are new evidences of pre-Hispanic continuity emerging from different perspectives.^32,35‒39

If we observe present day sikuriada and bailes chinos traditions, both shows as remaining part of a bigger pre-Hispanic music tradition of complex-sound dual-flute orchestras, that expands in southern Andes. From around 1980 the sikuriada tradition has spread through the continent to many principal cities as La Paz, Lima, Santiago, Buenos Aires and Bogotá, and now this diaspora process reaches other continents as well.^40,41 The bailes chinos have spread only to Santiago. So, we can observe that this extended collective indigenous flute tradition has extended to no-Indian people.¹² This is an important shift in social terms, derived from the “friendly” side of relations that, after 500 years, are beginning to emerge in our societies, enabling access to making music or playing instruments. From highland indigenous ritual fiestas to urban Spanish cities the role of these collective flutes has changed a lot, for example from interact with nature to bring the right weather conditions, to become a folkloric show. But there is a social role inside the sikuriada that doesn’t change. In any orchestra, the relational system between individuals with different positions and roles is what permits the music to emerge. This can be defined as a sort of society,⁴² and the intergenerational transmission between all participants, old and Young as equalls, proper of sikuriada, is called ‘socialization’ in sociological terms.⁴² This ‘socialization’ role is not defined by the sikuris, it is inherent to the orchestra. Inside the sikuriada, thanks to the dual playing that creates a deep bond between the two players, as to make them a single siku⁴³ this ‘socialization’ process goes a step forward. This implies an absolute confidence between both, a permanent attentive mood, capable to react instinctively to each nuance in the playing, something that goes beyond normal coordination between musicians.⁴⁴ Sikuris speaks of a musical “braid” (trenzar los sonidos),^39,45 or to a “question and answer” relation.^46‒49 This instinctive dual playing achieves his maximum level when two sikuris are capable of ornamentate the melody, sharing an instinctive coordinated improvisation, as do the pair of liku cantor in Chile.^50‒53 Also socializing is enhanced because the pair of musicians are accompanied by many others, all of them reacting as a single musician, forming a collective flute. All this process happens as a normal situation, not as the consequence of a rule or external obligation, but as a play among equals. The result, however, does show the internal diversity of the social group, as the sound shows the density of many flutes that doesn’t match their tunings exactly, each of whom maintains a certain (minimal) independence of pitch. This kind of social integration, in which nobody excels over others, each maintaining their own identity but merging in the community, as is more important than the individual, is the normal social structure of Aymara or Quichua highland communities.⁵⁴

These social characteristics are emphasized by a tendency in sikuriadas to accept anyone to participate, be it a child, or a person with no special music abilities, or with no knowledge of the melodies. The redundancy of the melodic repetition facilitates the imitation, and also the playing of half the melody makes easier to incorporate. The sikuri knows, and I have experienced myself, that it is easy to join a sikuriada, even if he does not know the melodies or even the style.⁴⁹ This attitude that facilitates the integration with confidence, because the importance is not put into the perfection of the musical product, but on the social experience, is called ‘participatory discrepancy’,⁵⁵ and is present in many ethnic orchestras around the world. It accepts and integrates the musical error, encouraging the social participation. In sikuriadas, this integration of the error takes a positive role, because if I miss a note and play the next tube, it will sound a Third (because my arka flute is formed by thirds), added to the melody as a kind of harmonic casual ornament (sometimes a pair of experienced sikuris make this kind of ornamentation on purpose). This situation reverses the error into an embellishment, making the newcomer playing even more confident.¹³ During a fiesta that can extend from one to three days long, this ‘participatory discrepancy’ is always present because all sikuris are moving, touring the place, surrounded by people, sometimes in a drunken state. The overall experience of the joyfull fiesta is greatly enhanced when some of the sikuris reach a strong psychological and emotional state that emerges from the combination of factors, in which the hyperventilation produced by the continuous blowing for a long time iss very important.

When the sikuriada is played on a city like Santiago or Buenos Aires, this ‘socialization’ role acquires a new dimension. The integrating aspects, dual relation, dissolution of the individual into the group, contrasts vividly with urban tendency to individualism, social verticality, and competence with others. This contradiction acts at an ontological level, changing one’s perception of the society. This is not logic, rational experience, but an emotional one. Sometimes the emotion is so great when we finished, that we are unable to speak, and we hug each other, knowing the emotion can’t be expressed in words. Many sikuris have related their experience as being part of a “human bellows”,⁴⁹ as a group into which “alone we are nothing”,⁴⁴ or to perceive a kind of “musical adhesive” between pairs,⁵⁶ a state of profound cohesion and collective integration.^43,51,57,58 Ontological changes can be so powerful, hat it can change the whole lifestyle on some urban sikuris, as revealed by many personal stories.^49,59‒61 This sociability role of the sikuriada also has been highlighted by many teachers that have incorporated it to the school. The siku has been defined as an “head transforming agent”⁶² and their impact on the students has been described as promoting responsibility, discipline, collective work, solidarity, respect, tolerance, inclusion, empathy, friendship, compromise, identity, self steem and reciprocity.¹⁴

⁸A good description of siku tradition can be found in Carlos Sanchez’s Música y Sonidos en el Mundo Andino: Flautas de Pan, zampoñas, antaras, sikus y ayarachis, collecting many authors (2018). Also see a classic work on Puno sikuris by Turino,³⁰ and a good collection of recordings from Bolivia highland in Baumann.³¹

⁹This is an Andean principle, as we see in textiles, where the beauty does not lie so much in the figure, but in the warp layers and in the combination of techniques.^32,33

¹⁰An analysis of his testimony, among other historic and prehistoric evidence, in Perez de Arce 2018.

¹¹In an article Polifonía Imperial I analyze this relation between Cusco and Chile during the Tawantinsuyu.²⁹

¹²The sikuriada organollogical and orchestral typology, as I describe it, is present in a vast region, covering ethnic groups from northern Chile to Colombia, and the Amazonian basin, much of these no well described. The aymara and quechua highland tradition is the most dynamic, elaborated and vigorous tradition, from which has expanded, as I describe below.

¹³Not all sikuriadas allow such “errors”, especially some urban ones accustomed to Eurocentric practices. I deliberately emphasize this ‘participatory discrepancy’ situation because of the important role it has in the ‘socializing’ role of the sikuriada. For a discussion on this topic, see Turino⁶³ and Castelblanco.^40,49

¹⁴This has been mentioned several times as the result of inclusion of the siku in schools.^{26,35,46,48,59,61,64‒68}

All the above described playing techniques apply to individual orchestras. As collective flute play in unison a melody, when two or more collective flutes plays at the same time during in a ritual fiesta, they act as single flutes, and can combine their individual melodies and rhythms to give birth to a new harmonic, polyphonic and polyrhythmic texture. This special musical form I have called polifonía multiorquestal (multi-orchestral polyphony), that add a new dimension to the experience of participating in the ritual fiesta. During the fiestas de chino in Aconcagua Valley, there is a procession in which all the bailes (sometimes 10 or more), tour the place in a long row, all playing in unison, creating this sort of polyphony. As a musical form it extends in space (sometimes a kilometer long) and in space (one hour or more), and is moving all the time through the place. Each baile plays in complete independence, so the polyphony occurs by the chance of every casual superposition of sounds. It can be heard a very complex and dense timbre structures, with multiple acoustic properties (dissonances, vibratos, timbre instabilities, ‘ghost melodies’, difference tones, ‘dense unison’, batimiento, etc.), the sum of the already dense sound of each baile chino. The pulse difference between bailes produces a constant polyrhythmic mutation, so the overall multiorchestral polyphony is an unstable form, but maintaining a great coherence, thanks to some basic rules. The first is the similitude between the collective flutes, their instruments, their sounds, their intensity, as variations of the same topic, and it comes from tradition. The second is that each orchestra must try not to be in the same pulse as any other, and it comes from a very difficult practice. Each baile has a single pulse (so to say, singles quarter notes all the time), but they can change little by little bit speed (more or less fast). When two adjacent bailes plays different pulses, it creates a polyrhythm of dense many-octave dual chords of great intensity. This situation is very difficult for the musicians, because the normal tendency is to merge both pulses. To maintain one’s pulse in a chaotic situation, one must follow the tamborero (drummer), who guides with the drum, the gestures and the dancing, and to play as loud as possible, to overcome the other baile’s sound. This requires a lot of concentration, and not to listen to the pulse of the neighbor baile. Bailes chinos who can dominate his pulse independence are considered good ones, and there is a strong sense of competence in relation to it. Experienced bailes have tricks to make newbies group loose; they exhibits a paused rhythm, and begin to fasten very slowly his pulse to the point to reach the newbies fast, nervous one. Then both pulses merge in a wonderful, strong and extended unified voice. But then, the experienced baile began to slow their pulse, little by little, and the younger ones that are near follow this change, unnoticed, until the difference with his own baile is so great that they realize have lose their own pulse, and their baile becomes a chaos where no chino can hear the proper pulse, and they must halt for a while, to recompose their playing. Because of this, the multi-orchestral polyphony is referred as a competence, although the loosening or winning are not public expressed. The complex sound density of this ever changing multi-orchestral polyphony is in permanent movement trough different spaces, such as a narrow street between houses that increases reverberance, to the open space of a beach or a hill, with no reverberance at all. The acoustic properties of the place take an active part in the overall music form. There are a multitude of sonic situations that are occurring simultaneously, when some of the bailes are reaching the beach, and some are inside the streets, for example. Each person to attend the fiesta can choose it own listening situations and listening sequence. Depending on the position of the listener and the bailes, and the movement or stillness of both, the hearing conditions change.²³ This creates a kind of ‘musical perspectivism’, in which the listening experience is a different one for each person. It is impossible to define one musical form, or to define it progression; one can describe as many music as persons are participating the fiesta.

This same sort of multi-orchestral polyphony, with the same characteristics (competition between similar collective flutes, great space and time scenarios, hearing perspectivism) we found in the highland sikuriadas, where it receives several names.¹⁵ In Potosí it is called atipanakuy,¹⁰ in Chile contrapunteo,⁵⁸ in Charazani choque (Bolivia), and batalla Sonora.^16,54 It is also conceived as a competition, associated to the Tinku system, an Aymara term that means a ritual battle between communities (later transformed in folkloric dance),^69,70 an also means meeting,⁶⁹ or match, create balance between opposites.³⁵ Sikuriada polyphony is also based on the similar sound between orchestras, their differences are sometimes very subtle, but of great importance for them. This fondness of small contrasts is an aesthetic paradigm for aymara people, who refer to it as “poco varía” (little varies).⁷¹ I have been experimenting the above mentioned musical principles with Claudio Mercado and other musicians from the 1990s, inside a musical experiment called La Chimuchina.¹⁷ We apply our investigation on indigenous music onto our contemporary urban performances. One of our experiments has been to reduce the ‘free polyphony’ concept to few musicians. We use the collective flute logic (grouping similar panpipes, or mohoceños, or tarkas), reducing multi-orchestral level to five musicians. For example, if each of us has a siku of four notes, one begins playing a single note in a constant pulse, then another alternates another note, and the rest join on, proposing another pitch, alternating, creating melodies and chords. A melody emerges from the casual combination of the flutes, sometimes a polyrhythm emerges and maintains itself for a while, to dissolve or transform into a new rhythmic situation. At any time, each of us five can change a note, a rhythm, or any combination, but attentive to integrate it in the overall music situation. At any of these changes, the rest can react creating a new combination, staying there for a while till another change is proposed. This state of permanent improvisation maintains all of us alert all the time. The rate of changes can also vary, from a stable relation to a fast-successive transition from one state to other. Each change is a surprise. The music emerges as a communal one, not made by any of us but by the group. The beauty of the music depends on our attention to react and to propone, to give and to receive, to be ready to follow and to guide not only the music but the movement through the place. The rules are very simple, almost impossible to list, the most important one is the mutual knowledge and respect, to maintain one’s voice as an indistinguishable part of the whole and always try not to excel. Usually we use this ‘free polyphony’ style before our concerts, playing it for half an hour or more outside the concert hall (in the playground, or in the street), so when we enter the hall, and the concert begins for the public, we have initiated it a long time before. Then, we do not feels as five musicians, but as a kind of sound-animal that express our feelings, a kind of woven snake that emerges continuously from the relation between each one of us. This animal represents us in this moment, like a sonic mirror of our relations. During our presentations, we enhance the experience using visuals and movements through the place, merging with the public, or to other side, creating an ambience of immersion into the performance. Some listener asks later if we have rehearsed the music, because it sounds so coherent. Normally we end our concerts giving canes tubes to the public, generating an improvisation of a great ‘free polyphony’, a mass of sound that pulsates in a dual chord, that fills the concert hall, and then walks outside the buildings, to the streets. The euphoric collective enthusiasm shared by this collective music is, as we say, the beginning of the “real” concert.

¹⁵It has been described in great part of traditional sikuriada occurence; Puno, Conima y Taquile (Perú), Copacabana, La Paz, Charazani, Macha, Arampampa (Bolivia), Iquique (Chile), Huancané, Susquello, Tilcara, Lules (Argentina).

¹⁶ I do not know of other similar ‘free polyphonies’ around the world. In Sicilia (Italy) Emiliano Li Castro (9/2006) told me about a traditional festival in which several orchestras tour the town, independently, and casually comes near each other, without entering competition. Perhaps this happens in many other places. However, normally the musical discoordination is considered an error due to lack of experience, and is strictly avoided.

¹⁷ With Cuti Aste, Victor Rondón, Norman Vilches, Francisca Gili, Rodolfo Medina, Christian Pino, and many others musicians through 28 years.

Any orchestra represents the society, as expressed above. It has been said that orchestra reflect the society or it is a kind of model for it, depending on the point of analysis.⁷² Usually orchestras represent the community they come from when they travel, at many levels; music, style, dressing or performance styles.^72‒75 When an orchestra plays in polyphony, it enacts a specific social representation. Polyphony reflects an interwoven relation between his different voices that in turn reflect the relations that are imagined into the society that create it. The term “polyphony” is frequently used as a metaphor of societal relations.^76‒78 This reference is based on European polyphony, in which two or more voices interact in precise ways, regulated by a written “law” (the music sheet), that express a highly elaborated plan, created in advance by an expert (the composer). Music writing is very useful to this model of polyphony, because it permits the precise planning of each voice-relation with the others; it permits the programming of previous and later movements, following strict harmonic, rhythmic and melodic norms. The study of classical polyphony is mainly based on prohibitions, such as parallel octaves or fifths. The beauty of European Bach’s polyphony can be explained as a logical structure that avoids ‘wrong’ tonal relations. The complexity and precision of this structure is so great, that European orchestras need a conductor to organize it.

This relation between voices is very different to the one described as the ‘multi-orchestral polyphony’. If I use it instead of the European one as a metaphor of societal relations, very different kind of social relations emerge. First of all, instead of many individualistic relations roles, we have a cohesive group that has a one-collective role as a single individual that merge with similar ones with different roles. These different roles are not guided by strict rules, but by the absolute independence, the only rule is avoiding coordination with similar groups. There is no need of a high degree of specialization; everyone can fit, no matter his preparation, thus permitting to integrate as many people as you want. There is not a written guide to follow; instead, the relations rely exclusively on an intuitive imitative practice. These societal relations must reflect some sort of Andean societies, but we have no a clear idea of it, because for 500 years we have been told that European type of society, ruled by European polyphonic style of societal relations, is the only valid one, the only real one. In our society, each time it appears some traces of this Andean polyphonic style of societal relations; it is dismissed as a wrong one that must be corrected. When Chilean peasants do not follow strict rules, or strict schedules, they are considered atrasados (late). When a peasant or a poor person does not have a defined specialty he is discriminated, because errors can be not tolerated in a well-coordinated team. When somebody does not know how to read and write, it is an illiterate. A very different appreciation emerges if we consider the opposite, using Andean polyphony as the valid one; then, each time a person follows strict rules, strict schedules, he is losing the experience of being attentive to the world around him, as does musicians all over the world.^79‒82 Each time two or more persons interact in precise ways, regulated by a written “law” they are losing the opportunity to freely dance and play, and to follow the imitative learning process basic to humanity.^16,83‒87 Each time a person follows a highly elaborated plan, created in advance by an expert, he is losing the opportunity to participate in a shared nonverbal experience, to create an experience similar to be crossing a river, “in which you know where to go, but not in a straight line; you accommodate to the river, not the river to you”. Each time a person has a high specialty to focus on, he is losing the holistic appreciation of reality into which the self merges with the rest of entities, to the distant hills.^5,88 Each time a person is reading carefully, he cannot communicate with his companions, hears them, integrate the multilevel social learning process,^89,90 in which the complete learning curve, from the beginner to the experienced is unfolded,⁷⁸ something common all over the world.⁹¹ All these reversal appreciations of societal relations can seem rude, discriminatory, poorly balanced, unreal. The same can be said about the previous ones that discriminate those who follow Andean societal relations. The only difference is an historical one that has favored European knowledge, and negate local one, produced in our lands.

This last statement is changing at a great speed in our countries. Much indigenous knowledge is emerging all over the population, in many forms and formats. In Ecuador has been formulated a epistemological position systematized in the quechua concept of Sumak Kawsay. In Bolivia the same has happened with the aymara Suma Qamaña concept, both generally translated as Buen Vivir (Good Living), gaining the world’s attention for the promoting the Mother Earth Rights.^92‒97 In México Comandante Marcos said “we want a world where many worlds are possible”, expressing a claim of indigenous communities from the whole continent, from Mexico to Chile.⁹⁷ In Chile we are discovering the baile chino’s music “invisible” to Santiago society for 400 years. In 1960, when I was 10, I was thought that in Chile there were no Indians. In November 2019, during the uprising events that paralyze Chile, the mapuche banner was leading the crowds, held by non-mapuche citizens.

The sikuriadas and baile chino form part of this change, when people inside the great cities acceded to it experience. Slowly, a new kind of ontology is emerging, that considers local knowledge, local categories, and local logics, some of them not elaborated in a verbal form. Music is an efficient tool to produce ontological revolutions inside societies. There are many tales of sikuris in Bogotá, Buenos Aires and Santiago, whose participation in the sikuriada produced profound transformations, some of them at a crisis level that changes their perspectives of life, of community, of human relations. Claudio Mercado describe it own ontological transformation as part of bailes chinos,⁹⁸ now expanded lo a growing group of young people from Santiago. Pre-Hispanic flutes, present day pifilkas and sikus can be seen as technologies to transform our ontologies in a way designed by ancient local, Amerindian societies. This technology acts not as a planned strategy, nor guided by a superior mind, but performed as music. In La Chimuchina we have applied the permanent alert state between pairs of musicians to a new urban format. We have learn, from the andean polyphonic style, that it is not necessary to coincide with others, that we can maintain our independence, that it is not necessary to resolve the differences into a common (democratic) equilibrium, that there is another type of stable ecological situation, made of differences that interacts as complimentary parts of a whole. We have learned to create beauty not by planning, but to let the unexpected to emerge as a rule, such as life is. Andean people, as African people too, imagine the future in front of us, because we know it, we see it, we can learn from it, and the future is at our back, we cannot see it, it has not happened yet. We are beginning to figure out that all of our societal history is guided by a future that doesn’t exist, and which was imagined by foreigners. We are beginning to see our past, hidden for 500 years, each time a group of children from a poor quarter of Lima brings a new orientation to his life by playing the sikuriada, and each time we use pre-Hispanic flute’s replicas in La Chimuchina concerts. Then, a certain ontological revolution occurs, that guide us into our own world. South Andean society is changing, and the emergence of a new ontology into which the indigenous identity begins to be present is the most novel aspect, because it signals a change from the previous 500 years where our main cultural source was thought of Spain and Europe. The present article focuses on a special focus of archeo- and ethno-musicology studies that brings evidence of historical continuity and permits the vemergence of ontologies linked with local, non-European sources. This ontological change can influence the future of the region in ways we can not imagine, perhaps making possible that music and politics combine again, as were in Inca times.^99,100

Thanks to the many sikuris and people who help me with his knowledge, experience and friendship: Arnaud Gérard, Carlos Sanchez, Victor Colodoro, and so many other impossible to cite. Thanks to chimuchines Claudio Mercado, Francisca Gili, Christian Pino, Rodolfo Medina and all the other participants in this experiences. Thanks to CECLA, University of Chile, to make possible my experiences in Potosi and Lima, and to all who share his feelings through many years about the music as social bonding.

None.

Author declares that there is no conflict of interest.

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