Zviad Gamsakhurdia
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Zviad Gamsakhurdia | |
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ზვიად გამსახურდია | |
Gamsakhurdia in 1989 | |
1st President of Georgia | |
In office 26 May 1991 – 6 January 1992 | |
Prime Minister | Murman Omanidze (Acting) Besarion Gugushvili |
Preceded by | Office established |
Succeeded by | Eduard Shevardnadze (1995) |
Chairman of the Supreme Council of Georgia | |
In office 14 November 1990 – 26 May 1991 | |
Preceded by | Irakli Abashidze |
Succeeded by | Himself as the Head of state; Akaki Asatiani as the Chairman of the Parliament of Georgia |
Personal details | |
Born | Tbilisi, Georgian SSR, Soviet Union | 31 March 1939
Died | 31 December 1993 Dzveli Khibula, Georgia | (aged 54)
Cause of death | Gunshot wound (disputed cause) |
Resting place | Mtatsminda Pantheon |
Political party | Round Table—Free Georgia
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Spouses |
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Parent | Konstantine Gamsakhurdia (father) |
Signature | |
Zviad Konstantines dze Gamsakhurdia[a] (Georgian: ზვიად კონსტანტინეს ძე გამსახურდია; Russian: Звиа́д Константи́нович Гамсаху́рдия, romanized: Zviad Konstantinovich Gamsakhurdiya; 31 March 1939 – 31 December 1993) was a Georgian politician, human rights activist,[1] dissident, professor of English language studies and American literature at Tbilisi State University,[2] and writer who became the first democratically-elected President of Georgia in May 1991.[3]
A prominent exponent of Georgian nationalism and pan-Caucasianism, Zviad Gamsakhurdia was involved in Soviet dissident movement from his youth. His activities attracted attention of authorities in the Soviet Union and Gamsakhurdia was arrested and imprisoned numerous times. Gamsakhurdia co-founded the Georgian Helsinki Group, which sought to bring attention to human rights violations in the Soviet Union.
He organized numerous pro-independence protests in Georgia, one of which in 1989 was suppressed by the Soviet Army, with Gamsakhurdia being arrested. Eventually, a number of underground political organizations united around Zviad Gamsakhurdia and formed the Round Table—Free Georgia coalition, which successfully challenged the ruling Communist Party of Georgia in the 1990 elections. Gamsakhurdia was elected as the President of Georgia in 1991, gaining 87% of votes in the election. Despite popular support, Gamsakhurdia found significant opposition from the urban intelligentsia and former Soviet nomenklatura, as well as from his own ranks. In early 1992 Gamsakhurdia was overthrown by warlords Tengiz Kitovani, Jaba Ioseliani and Tengiz Sigua, two of which were formerly allied with Gamsakhurdia. Gamsakhurdia was forced to flee to Chechnya, where he was greeted by Chechen president Dzhokhar Dudayev. His supporters continued to fight the post-coup government of Eduard Shevardnadze. In September 1993, Gamsakhurdia returned to Georgia and tried to regain power. Despite initial success, the rebellion was eventually crushed by government forces with the help of the Russian military. Gamsakhurdia was forced into hiding in Samegrelo, a Zviadist stronghold. He was found dead in early 1994 in controversial circumstances. His death remains uninvestigated to this day.
After the civil war ended, the government continued to suppress Gamsakhurdia's supporters, even with brutal tactics. After Eduard Shevardnadze was overthrown during the 2003 Rose Revolution, Gamsakhurdia was rehabilitated by the President Mikheil Saakashvili.
Early life and education
Zviad Konstantinovich Gamsakhurdia was born in the Georgian capital Tbilisi on 31 March 1939;[3] his father, Konstantine Gamsakhurdia, was a prominent Georgian writer during the 20th century.[4] Konstantine held nationalist views and was imprisoned in the 1920s, but evaded the Stalinist purges and became influential as a historical novelist. He and his circle of fellow writers promoted Georgian culture and ethnic particularism in the Soviet centre.[5] Zviad was raised in an intellectual setting, which encouraged attention to traditional Georgian history and culture.[6]
At 16, Gamsakhurdia established an underground nationalist youth group.[3] In 1956 he participated with his fellow students, including future ally Merab Kostava, in the demonstrations in Tbilisi against de-Stalinization. He and a group of friends, called the Gorgasliani, began distributing anti-communist Georgian nationalist pamphlets in December; they were caught and taken to court. He was arrested again in 1958 for distributing anti-communist literature and was confined to a mental hospital in Tbilisi, although his familial status protected him from further sanctions.[6]
After his release, he continued studying western languages and literature at Tbilisi State University, eventually graduating with a degree in philology and becoming a lecturer of English language and American literature at Tbilisi State University in 1963.[3] He also found employment at the Institute of Literature of the Georgian Academy of Sciences, and joined the Georgian Writers' Union in 1966. As an academic, Gamsakhurdia turned his focus to promoting Georgian culture, criticizing falsification of history, and supporting the Georgian Orthodox Church.[7]
Human rights activism
In the 1970s, Gamsakhurdia and his dissident intellectual circle began making contact with Russian dissidents and with the Western press. In mid-1974 he co-founded a Human Rights Defense Group with Kostava and others; in 1977 they established a human rights watch organization after the Helsinki Accords.[8] He was also active in the underground network of samizdat publishers, contributing to a wide variety of underground political periodicals. In their publications, Gamsakhurdia and Kostava denounced corruption, treatment of cultural heritage, the prison system, deportation of Meskhetian Muslims,[9] and other controversies. Although he was frequently harassed and occasionally arrested for his dissidence, for a long time Gamsakhurdia avoided serious punishment, probably as a result of his family's prestige and political connections.[10]
Despite being an insider in the Georgian Writers' Union, Gamsakhurdia was expelled from the Union on 1 April 1977 after they had received information from the prosecutor's office about his illegal dissident activities. Later that month, Gamsakhurdia was arrested along with Kostava;[9] they were accused of anti-Soviet activities, including illegal distribution of books and periodicals.[b] They spent a year imprisoned before both being convicted and sentenced to three years in prison and two in exile.[10] In 1978 Gamsakhurdia was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize and in 1979 he was released[3] after publicly denouncing his dissident activism. Following his release, he returned to his literary work and organizing.[11] Unlike Gamsakhurdia, Kostava refused to recant and remained in prison for several more years, and Gamsakhurdia's reputation suffered.[12] Gamsakhurdia was placed under house arrest from 1982–1983 for his campaigning on Kostava's behalf.[3]
Pro-independence movement
In 1987, Merab Kostava and other dissidents were released from prison, and the dissident movement which had been gaining steam was strengthened by new leadership. Gamsakhurdia was attacked in the press as the authorities attempted to undermine the nationalist movement. In the context of Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost, the nationalist discourse among the intelligentsia was heightened, and still sharply divided on the issue of independence.[13]
In 1988, Gamsakhurdia became one of the founders of the Society of Saint Ilia the Righteous (SSIR), a religious-political organization which became the basis for his own political movement.[14] The following year, the brutal suppression by Soviet forces of a large peaceful demonstration held in Tbilisi on 4–9 April 1989 proved to be a pivotal event in discrediting the continuation of Soviet rule over the country.[15]
The central Soviet government responded by the significant changes in the Georgia's leadership, replacing its heads Jumber Patiashvili and Zurab Chkheidze. The new leadership chose a more conciliatory approach towards the opposition. The opposition leaders arrested during the 9 April tragedy, including Zviad Gamsakhurdia, were released from prison and given a greater role in the decision-making. In recognition of his enormous popularity, Gamsakhurdia was brought into negotiations with the new Soviet Georgian leader Givi Gumbaridze over impeding legislation in the Georgia's Supreme Soviet. It passed a number of measures demanded by the opposition, paving path towards the independence. Gamsakhurdia's Round Table organization soon gained support in almost all Georgian institutions and Gamsakhurdia played a prominent role in their decisions to break their ties with the Kremlin. In February 1990, the Georgian sports association announced that it was breaking off the Soviet championships, holding its own championships with a goal of sending its team to international competitions. The ceremonies inaugurating the independent Georgian games began with Gamsakhurdia's opening remarks. The Georgian trade union organization broke off all-Union trade union organization, while the republican Komsomol declared independence from the Communist Party and all-Union Komsomol, later dissolving itself, being replaced by the new youth groups.[16]
Head of Georgia
Rise to power
The progress of democratic reforms was accelerated and led to Georgia's first democratic multiparty elections, held on 28 October 1990. Gamsakhurdia's SSIR party and the Georgian Helsinki Union joined with other opposition groups to head a reformist coalition called "Round Table — Free Georgia" ("Mrgvali Magida — Tavisupali Sakartvelo"). The coalition won a convincing victory, with 64% of the vote, as compared with the Georgian Communist Party's 29.6%.[17] On 14 November 1990, Zviad Gamsakhurdia was elected by an overwhelming majority as chairman of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Georgia, which made him de facto head of Georgia, albeit not a sovereign country yet.[18]
Georgia held a referendum on restoring its pre-Soviet independence on 31 March 1991 in which 98.9% of those who voted declared in its favour. The Georgian parliament passed a declaration of independence on 9 April 1991, in effect restoring the 1918–1921 Georgian sovereign state.[19] However, it was not recognized by the Soviet Union and although a number of foreign powers granted early recognition, universal recognition did not come until the following year. Gamsakhurdia was elected president in the election of 26 May with 86.5% per cent of the vote on a turnout of over 83%.[20]
Programme
According to Stephen F. Jones, a historian and specialist on Russian and Eurasian studies, Gamsakhurdia promoted the concept of pan-Caucasian unity, "Caucasian House".[21] Gamsakhurdia favored regional cooperation between peoples of the Caucasus and considered concepts such as a common economic zone, a "Caucasian Forum" (a regional United Nations) and an alliance against foreign interference.[21][22] "Caucasian House" was based on the idea of shared Ibero-Caucasian languages and common tribal and cultural identity among autochthonous Caucasian nations, such as Chechens, Circassians, Abkhazians and Georgians. An allegiance between Gamsakhurdia and Chechen President Dzhokhar Dudayev was seen as pivotal to its success.[21] However, Gamsakhurdia was soon overthrown after taking office, so the "realisation of the idea of Caucasianness and the Caucasian House has never gone beyond the declaratory level or imaginative projects...".[22]
In his election program, Gamsakhurdia argued for gradual privatization and transition from socialist command economy to capitalist market economy. He supported social market economy, a model which would synthesize "free labor and guarantees of social rights, respect for private property and social utility, free entrepreneurship and honest competition". This included support for: wage indexation, consumer protection, social protection of vulnerable groups, unemployment benefits etc. Gamsakhurdia supported price controls for certain and the most basic products.[23]
Policies
Domestic policy
Upon Gamsakhurdia taking office in November 1990, the Georgia's Supreme Council under his leadership renamed the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic into the "Republic of Georgia" and restored the state hymn, flag and seal of the Georgian Democratic Republic.[24][better source needed] The Supreme Council appointed Tengiz Sigua, a member of an opposition Rustaveli Society, as the chairman of the Georgian Council of Ministers (later renamed into a post of prime minister).[18]
Though state authorities continued to operate under the 1976 Soviet Georgian Constitution, several changes were adopted following independence to create a presidential republic.[25] Gamsakhurdia took steps to create a new military structure independent from the Soviet control. In December 1990, the Georgia’s Supreme Council adopted the law which ended Soviet military draft in Georgia. As a result, only 10 percent of eligible draftees responded to call-up, the lowest percentage among all Soviet republics. Instead, in January 1991 the Georgia’s Supreme Council approved the legislation which created the National Guard of Georgia.[26] The first military parade was held on Independence Day in 1991, with 10,000 soldiers of the National Guard taking their oath of service in front of President Zviad Gamsakhurdia at Boris Paichadze Stadium. Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev, through the chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Anatoly Lukyanov, instructed Gamsakhurdia to ban the creation of the Guard. The official newspaper of the Soviet Army, Krasnaya Zvezda, published an article mocking the National Guard entitled "Mr. Prefects and Mr. Guardsmen".[27]
In August 1991, Georgia created a national bank and the legislature committed Georgia to issue its own currency in the future. In September 1991, the law on privatization was passed after long discussions on how to prevent "party-economic mafia" (a term used by Gamsakhurdia to refer to Communist Party leaders and administrators at various levels who controlled shadow economy of the Soviet Georgia) from becoming the primary beneficiary. On 3 May 1991, Gamsakhurdia issued a decree implementing fixed prices for some basic goods and lifting the national 5-percent sales tax on some food and services.[28]
During the Soviet period, Gamsakhurdia, a major dissident, criticized concessions made by Soviet authorities to ethnic minorities in Georgia.[29] Upon taking office in November 1990, Gamsakhurdia faced the situation of ethnic minorities, making up 30% of the population.[30] Georgians feared that minorities, particularly Armenians, Azerbaijanis and Ossetians, would secede to join their co-ethnics outside of Georgia, which had already happened during Georgia's First Republic in 1918-1921.[31] Anti-Georgian riots in Abkhazia and South Ossetia[when?] fueled by local and Russian conservative military elites exacerbated Georgian concerns of fragmentation.[32] In turn, minorities were scared by Gamsakhurdia's statements and policies, such as the repelling of Soviet treaties protecting minority rights.[33] They started forming cultural and political organisations.[when?][c][33]
For Gamsakhurdia, the state embodied the Georgian nation, while ethnic and religious minorities, such as Abkhazians, Adjarians,[34][35][36] Armenians, Azeris, Greeks, Meskhetians,[37] Muslims,[38] Russians, and Ossetians, were "ungrateful guests", not proper Georgians, or Russia's fifth column, threatening Georgia's territorial integrity and national identity.[39][40][41] According to Georgian philosopher George Khutsishvili, the nationalist slogan "Georgia for the Georgians" launched by Gamsakhurdia's followers, part of the Round Table—Free Georgia coalition, "played a decisive role" in "bringing about Bosnia-like inter-ethnic violence."[42][43] While Gamsakhurdia may not have actually used the slogan, according to Georgian politician Ghia Nodia, "it probably expressed his true attitude".[44][45]
Gamsakhurdia's ethnoreligious chauvinism, his nationalist and xenophobic rhetoric and his negative policies toward minorities stirred ethnic tensions in the country.[46][47][48][49][50] Gamsakhurdia's stance particularly threatened the Abkhazian and Ossetian elites' privileges.[51] Therefore, ethnic minority leaders such as Vladislav Ardzinba in Abkhazia and Torez Kulumbegov in South Ossetia employed similar rhetoric, also focusing on demographic issues.[52]
Still, according to historian Stephen F. Jones, although Gamsakhurdia oppressed minorities, he was pragmatic.[53] For instance, he took steps to diffuse tensions with Abkhazians and granted them over-representation in the local Abkhazian parliament with 43% of seats for 18% of the population.[54] This proposal failed to pacify the conflict.[55]
On 27 December 1991, the U.S. based NGO Helsinki Watch issued a report on human rights violations made by the government of Gamsakhurdia.[56] The report included information on documented freedom of assembly, freedom of speech, freedom of the press violations in Georgia, on political imprisonment, human rights abuses by the Georgian government and paramilitary in South Ossetia, and other human rights violations. In a report published in April 1992, Human Rights Watch noted that Gamsakhurdia had "quasi-dictatorial powers".[42]
The first steps towards the abolition of death penalty in Georgia came during the government of Gamsakhurdia on 20 March 1991, when the Georgian Supreme Council removed this possible punishment for four economic offences not involving the use of violence.[57] Thus, Georgia became a first former Soviet republic to take steps to abolish the death penalty.[57][58]
Foreign policy
During his rule, Gamsakhurdia maintained that Georgia would not sign New Union Treaty or interrepublican economic treaty. Gamsakhurdia called for a boycott of the 1991 Soviet Union referendum on preserving the Union and the Georgia's Supreme Council voted to do so.[59] On 15 June 1991, in an interview to Saarländischer Rundfunk, Gamsakhurdia said that Georgia sought an eventual membership in the European Community and the United Nations, while it would develop relations with the USSR as a foreign state.[60]
On 6 and 7 April 1991, representatives of Armenia, Georgia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Moldova met in Chișinău, Moldova and pledged to cooperate in their independence efforts.[61]
Gamsakhurdia forged close ties with Chechnya, Russia’s breakaway republic. Gamsakhurdia welcomed Chechnya’s declaration of independence and attended inauguration of Dzokhar Dudayev as Chechnya’s President in Grozny. While Chechnya did not receive backing from the international community, it received support and attention from Georgia, which became its only gateway to the outside world that was not controlled by Russia.[62] As a sign of moral support, on 11 November 1991 Gamsakhurdia wrote a letter to the United Nations and Russian President Boris Yeltsin, condemning his declaration of the state of emergency in Chechnya amid its proclamation of sovereignty as "a show of force against the Chechen people".[63]
In response to George H. W. Bush's Chicken Kiev speech which supported Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev and his New Union Treaty, the government of Georgia issued a statement declaring that "the heir of Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln and others arrives ... and carries on propaganda in favor of the Union Treaty. Why didn't he call on Kuwait to sign the Union Treaty with Iraq?".[64]
Civil conflicts
South Ossetia
In 1989, violent unrest broke out in South Ossetian Autonomous Oblast between the Georgian independence-minded population of the region and Ossetians loyal to the Soviet Union. South Ossetia's regional soviet announced that the region would secede from Georgia to form a "Soviet Democratic Republic". In response, the Supreme Soviet of the Georgian SSR annulled the autonomy of South Ossetia in March 1990.[65]
The rise of the opposition
During the 1991 Soviet coup attempt, the Russian news agency Interfax reported that Gamsakhurdia had agreed with the Soviet military that the Georgian National Guard would be disarmed, and on 23 August, he issued decrees abolishing the post of commander of the Georgian National Guard and redesignating its members as interior troops subordinate to the Georgian Ministry of Internal Affairs. In reality, the National Guard was already a part of the Ministry of the Interior, and Gamsakhurdia's opponents, who claimed he was seeking to abolish it, were asked to produce documents they claimed they possessed which verified their claims, but did not do so. Gamsakhurdia always maintained he had no intention of disbanding the National Guard.[66] In defiance of the alleged order of Gamskhurdia, the sacked National Guard commander Tengiz Kitovani led most of his troops out of Tbilisi on 24 August. By this time, however, the coup had clearly failed and Gamsakhurdia publicly congratulated Russia's President Boris Yeltsin on his victory over the putschists.[67]
Gamsakhurdia reacted angrily, accusing shadowy forces in Moscow of conspiring with his internal enemies against Georgia's independence movement. In a rally in early September, he told his supporters: "The infernal machinery of the Kremlin will not prevent us from becoming free.... Having defeated the traitors, Georgia will achieve its ultimate freedom." He shut down an opposition newspaper, "Molodiozh Gruzii," on the grounds that it had published open calls for a national rebellion. Giorgi Chanturia, whose National Democratic Party was one of the most active opposition groups at that time, was arrested and imprisoned on charges of seeking help from Moscow to overthrow the legal government. It was also reported that Channel 2, a television station, was closed down after employees took part in rallies against the government.[68]
Coup d'état
On 22 December 1991, armed opposition supporters launched a violent coup d'état and attacked a number of official buildings including the Georgian parliament building, where Gamsakhurdia himself was sheltering. Heavy fighting continued in Tbilisi until 6 January 1992, leaving hundreds dead and the centre of the city heavily damaged. On 6 January, Gamsakhurdia and members of his government escaped through opposition lines and made their way to Azerbaijan where they were denied asylum. Armenia finally hosted Gamsakhurdia for a short period and rejected Georgian demands to extradite Gamsakhurdia back to Georgia. In order not to complicate tense relations with Georgia, Armenian authorities allowed Gamsakhurdia to move to the breakaway Russian republic of Chechnya, where he was granted asylum by the rebel government of General Dzhokhar Dudayev.[69]
It was later claimed that Russian forces had been involved in the coup against Gamsakhurdia. On 15 December 1992 the Russian newspaper Moskovskiye Novosti printed a letter claiming that the former Vice-Commander of the Transcaucasian Military District, Colonel General Sufian Bepayev, had sent a "subdivision" to assist the armed opposition. If the intervention had not taken place, it was claimed, "Gamsakhurdia supporters would have been guaranteed victory." It was also claimed that Soviet special forces had helped the opposition to attack the state television tower on 28 December.[70]
A Military Council made up of Gamsakhurdia opponents took over the government on an interim basis.[71] One of its first actions was to remove Gamsakhurdia as president. It reconstituted itself as a State Council and, without any formal referendum or election, in March 1992 appointed Gamsakhurdia's old rival Eduard Shevardnadze as chairman, who then ruled as de facto president until the formal restoration of the presidency in November 1995.[72]
In exile
After his overthrow, Gamsakhurdia continued to promote himself as the legitimate president of Georgia. He was still recognized as such by some governments and international organizations, although as a matter of pragmatic politics the insurrectionist Military Council was quickly accepted as the governing authority in the country. Gamsakhurdia himself refused to accept his ouster, not least because he had been elected to the post with an overwhelming majority of the popular vote (in conspicuous contrast to the undemocratically appointed Shevardnadze).[73][74] In November–December 1992, he was invited to Finland (by the Georgia Friendship Group of the Parliament of Finland) and Austria (by the International Society for Human Rights). In both countries, he held press conferences and meetings with parliamentarians and government officials[75]
Death
On 31 December 1993, Zviad Gamsakhurdia died in circumstances that are still unclear. It is known that he died in the village of Dzveli Khibula in the Samegrelo region of western Georgia and later was re-buried in the village of Jikhashkari (also in the Samegrelo region). According to British press reports, his body was found with a single bullet wound to the head but, in fact, it was found with two bullet wounds to the head.
Years later Avtandil Ioseliani—counter-intelligence head of interim government—admitted that two special units were hunting Zviad on interim government's orders.[76]
In the first days of December 1993 two members of President's personal guard also disappeared without a trace, after being sent on a scout mission.[77][76] Some remains and ashes, never identified, were found 17 years later.[77]
Theories
A variety of reasons has been given for Gamsakhurdia's death, which is still controversial and remains unresolved. On 14 December 2018, Constantine and Tsotne Gamsakhurdia, the former president's two sons, announced concerns about the expiration of the statute of limitations set at the end of the same year for a potential investigation into the death of their father, as Georgian law set a 25-year limit for serious crime investigations. They then announced the beginning of a hunger strike.[78]
On 21 December, newly inaugurated President Salome Zurabishvili formally endorsed the request to expand the statute of limitations, calling Gamsakhurdia's death a "murder", a move supported by opposition and ruling party members of Parliament. Less than a week later, Parliament approved a bill to expand the statute of limitations for serious crimes from 25 to 30 years after the crime, following Constantine Gamsakhurdia's hospitalization.[78][79][80]
On 26 December, following the setting-up of a new investigative group under the leadership of General Prosecutor Shalva Tadumadze, Tsotne Gamsakhurdia ended his hunger strike, thus promising a new investigation into his father's death. However, the investigation failed to reach any conclusion to this day, with numerous theories about Gamsakhurdia's death floating in public discourse..[81]
Assassination
According to former deputy director of Biopreparat Ken Alibek, that laboratory was possibly involved in the design of an undetectable chemical or biological agent to assassinate Gamsakhurdia.[82] BBC News reported that some of Gamsakhurdia's friends believed he committed suicide, "although his widow insists that he was murdered."[83]
Suicide
Gamsakhurdia's widow later told the Interfax news agency that her husband shot himself on 31 December when he and a group of colleagues found the building where he was sheltering surrounded by forces of the pro-Shevardnadze Mkhedrioni militia.[84]
Burial
Gamsakhurdia's death was announced by the Georgian government on January 5, 1994. Some refused to believe that Gamsakhurdia had died at all but the question was eventually settled when his body was recovered on 15 February 1994. Zviad Gamsakhurdia's remains were re-buried in the Chechen capital Grozny on 17 February 1994.[85] On 3 March 2007, the newly appointed president of Chechnya Ramzan Kadyrov announced that Gamsakhurdia's grave – lost in the debris and chaos of a war-ravaged Grozny – had been found in the center of the city. Gamsakhurdia's remains were identified by Russian experts in Rostov-on-Don, and arrived in Georgia on 28 March 2007, for reburial. He was interred alongside other prominent Georgians at the Mtatsminda Pantheon on 1 April 2007.[83] Thousands of people throughout Georgia had arrived in Mtskheta's medieval cathedral to pay tribute to Gamsakhurdia.[86]
Personal life
In addition to Georgian, Gamsakhurdia was fluent in Russian, French, English and German.[87] He was a devout adherent of the Georgian Orthodox Church his entire life.[88]
Gamsakhurdia's second wife, Manana Archvadze-Gamsakhurdia, was the inaugural First Lady of independent Georgia.[89] The couple had two sons, Tsotne and Giorgi.[89]
Gamsakhurdia was a proponent of Georgian messianism: the "spiritual mission of Georgia" to be a moral example to the rest of the world. He believed that he was divinely appointed by God to lead Georgia.[90][91][92]
Legacy
On 26 January 2004, in a ceremony held at the Kashueti Church of Saint George in Tbilisi, the newly elected President Mikheil Saakashvili officially rehabilitated Gamsakhurdia to resolve the lingering political effects of his overthrow in an effort to "put an end to disunity in our society", as Saakashvili put it. He praised Gamsakhurdia's role as a "great statesman and patriot" and promulgated a decree granting permission for Gamsakhurdia's body to be reburied in the Georgian capital, declaring that the "abandon[ment of] the Georgian president's grave in a war zone ... is a shame and disrespectful of one's own self and disrespectful of one's own nation". He also renamed a major road in Tbilisi after Gamsakhurdia and released 32 Gamsakhurdia supporters imprisoned by Shevardnadze's government in 1993–1994, who were regarded by many Georgians and some international human rights organizations as being political prisoners. In 2013, Gamsakhurdia was posthumously awarded the title and Order of National Hero of Georgia by President Mikheil Saakashvili. Along with Gamsakhurdia, the title and Order of National Hero of Georgia was also awarded to his fellow dissident and friend Merab Kostava.[93] Saakashvili called Gamsakhurdia "a leading light of the national idea" who fought for his country's freedom "when no one could even image it".[93] In parallel, in March 2005 the Parliament of Georgia passed resolution "About the Legal Assessment of the Events of December–January 1991-92", which denounced the overthrow of Gamsakhurdia as an "unconstitutional armed coup".[94] Government officials as well as people pay tribute to memory of Zviad Gamsakhurdia every year on his birthday.[95]
In 2014, the Georgian President Giorgi Margvelashvili announced a scholarship dedicated to Zviad Gamsakhurdia, awarded to an outstanding student studying historic literature.[87]
In 2019, the plenary room of the Parliament of Georgia was named after Zviad Gamsakhurdia, with Irakli Kobakhidze, chairman of Parliament, describing Gamsakhurdia as "the symbol of our statehood".[96][97]
The museum honoring the life of the Gamsakhurdia is located in the village of Dzveli Khibula, where Gamsakhurdia spent the last days of his life. On 3 August 2018, by order of the director of the National Agency for the Protection of Cultural Heritage of Georgia, the museum received the status of an immovable monument of cultural heritage.[98][99]
Gamsakhurdia is acknowledged as a symbol of Georgian nationalism and Georgia's national liberation in 1990s.[97][100] According to the 2020 Caucasus Research Resource Centers poll, 81% of Georgians consider Gamsakhurdia to be a true Georgian patriot, while 76% think that the overthrow of Gamsakhurdia was a bad thing for Georgia. 50% consider that independence would not be possible without Gamsakhurdia.[101] According to the Cambridge University study, Gamsakhurdia is seen as one of the main Georgian national heroes of the 20th century, while his arch enemy Eduard Shevardnadze is perceived as a villain.[102]
Writings
Gamsakhurdia published important scientific works (including 4 monographs) on issues of Russian history, history of Georgian culture, history of Georgian literature, theology, and history of American poetry. He translated into Georgian language the works of William Shakespeare, Charles Baudelaire, Nikolai Gogol and others. He also wrote poems and fables, which have been published. In 1970, Zviad Gamsakhurdia became a member of the Writers' Union of Georgia, but later was expelled in 1977 for his anti-Soviet dissident activity.[14] Gamsakhurdia was awarded an honorary doctorate by the Georgian National Academy of Sciences for his work The Language of the Forms of the Knight in a Lordly Skin.[87]
Selected works
- 20th century American Poetry (a monograph). Ganatleba, Tbilisi, 1972 (in Georgian)
- The Man in the Panther's Skin" in English, a monograph, Metsniereba, Tbilisi, 1984, 222 pp. (In Georgian, English summary).
- "Goethe's Weltanschauung from the Anthroposophic point of view.", Tsiskari, Tbilisi, No 5, 1984 (in Georgian), link to Georgian archive version, p.149
- Tropology (Image Language) of "The Man in the Panther's Skin", monograph). Metsniereba, Tbilisi, 1991 (in Georgian)
- Collected articles and Essays. Khelovneba, Tbilisi, 1991 (in Georgian)
- Gamsakhurdia: a Product of the Soviet Union. Janice Bohle, University of Missouri, 1997.
- The Spiritual mission of Georgia (1990)
- The Spiritual Ideals of the Gelati Academy (1989) at the Wayback Machine (archived April 28, 2007)
- "Dilemma for Humanity", Nezavisimaia Gazeta, Moscow, May 21, 1992 (in Russian)
- "Between deserts" (about the creative works of L. N. Tolstoy), Literaturnaia Gazeta, Moscow, No 15, 1993 (in Russian)
- Fables and Tales. Nakaduli, Tbilisi, 1987 (in Georgian)
- The Betrothal of the Moon (Poems). Merani, Tbilisi, 1989 (in Georgian)
See also
- Timeline of Georgian history
- Outline of Georgia (country)
- Index of Georgia (country)-related articles
- Bibliography of the history of the Caucasus
Notes
- ^ Particularly in Soviet-era sources, his patronymic is sometimes given as Konstantinovich in the Russian style.
- ^ The illegal works they distributed included The Gulag Archipelago by Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, and periodicals such as Okros Satsmisi (The Golden Fleece) and Sakartvelos Moambe (The Georgian Herald).
- ^ Adamon Nikhas in South Ossetia, Aidgylara in Abkhazia, Javakh in Akhalkalaki, Gayret in Marneuli, and Votan for Meskhetians.[33]
References
- ^ Erdozain, Dominic (2017). The Dangerous God: Christianity and the Soviet Experiment. Cornell University Press. p. 153. ISBN 9781501757693.
- ^ Suny 1994, pp. 308–309
- ^ a b c d e f "Gamsakhurdia, Zviad (Georgia)". The Statesman's Yearbook Companion. Springer. 2019. p. 132. doi:10.1057/978-1-349-95839-9_263. ISBN 978-1-349-95838-2. S2CID 239217863.
- ^ Suny 1994, p. 308
- ^ Ivanauskas 2018, pp. 7–8
- ^ a b Ivanauskas 2018, p. 9
- ^ Ivanauskas 2018, pp. 9–10
- ^ Suny 1994, pp. 308–309
- ^ a b Suny 1994, p. 309
- ^ a b Ivanauskas 2018, p. 10
- ^ Ivanauskas 2018, pp. 11–12
- ^ Suny 1994, pp. 319–320
- ^ Suny 1994, p. 320
- ^ a b "საქართველოს პრეზიდენტი 1991-1992 წლებში: ზვიად გამსახურდია" [President of Georgia in 1991-1992: Zviad Gamsakhurdia]. Website of President of Georgia (in Georgian).
- ^ Slider 1991, p. 66: "The April 9 'Tragedy', as it came to be called, had a searing effect on Georgian public. The republic leadership lost what authority it had enjoyed in the eyes of Georgians, and support for independence became overwhelming— developments confirmed by polls initiated by the Communist leadership itself."
- ^ Slider 1991, pp. 67–68
- ^ "Georgia Votes for Change". Tampa Bay Times. 30 October 1990.
- ^ a b Report on the USSR, Volume 2, Issues 40-52. RFE/RL, Incorporated. 1990. p. 27.
- ^ "Georgian Republic Declares Independence". Tampa Bay Times. 10 April 1991.
- ^ Nohlen, Dieter; Grotz, Florian; Hartmann, Christof (2001). Elections in Asia: A Data Handbook. Vol. 1. p. 401. ISBN 0-19-924958-X.
- ^ a b c Fawn, Rick (2003). Ideology and National Identity in Post-communist Foreign Policies. Psychology Press. pp. 93–94. ISBN 9780714655178.
- ^ a b Russo, Alessandra (2018). Regions in Transition in the Former Soviet Area: Ideas and Institutions in the Making. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 115–116. ISBN 978-3-319-60623-1.
- ^ Khositashvili, Mzia (2013). "Election Program of Mister Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Candidate for Presidency of Republic of Georgia: Economic Part". საქართველოს სახელმწიფოს ხელმძღვანელები: ოფიციალური დოკუმენტები, მიმართვები და ინტერვიუები ზვიად გამსახურდია საქართველოს რესპუბლიკის პრეზიდენტი (1991) [Georgian State Leaders: Official Documents, Appeals and Interviews, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, President of Republic of Georgia (1991)] (in Georgian). Vol. 2. Iridagroup. pp. 110–127. ISBN 9789941062469.
- ^ "Закон об объявлении переходного периода в республике Грузия — Российский правовой портал: Библиотека Пашкова". constitutions.ru. 6 January 2010.
- ^ Matsaberidze, Malkhaz (2019). საქართველოს პოლიტიკური სისტემა [Political system of Georgia] (in Georgian). Tbilisi State University. pp. 438–439. ISBN 978-9941-13-830-0.
- ^ Champion, Marc (1 February 1991). "Soviet Georgia forms National Guard in Separatist Challenge to Kremlin". The Washington Post.
- ^ "ქართული ჯარის დიდი დღე" [Great Day of the Georgian Army]. On.ge. 30 April 2017.
- ^ Tolz & Newton 1993, p. 135
- ^ Coppieters 2005, pp. 365–366.
- ^ Toft, Monica Duffy (2010). "Georgia and Abkhazia". The Geography of Ethnic Violence. Princeton University Press. p. 91. doi:10.1515/9781400835744.87. ISBN 978-1-4008-3574-4.
- ^ Jones 2012, p. 43: "Georgians feared that with separation from the Union, their national minorities, particularly the Armenians, Azerbaijanis and Ossetians, would seek union with their co-ethnics and dismember Georgian territory. This had happened during the first Republic of 1918–21.".
- ^ Jones 2012, p. 40: "Anti-Georgian riots in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, whipped up by local intelligentsias fearful of losing their privileges and supported by conservative Russian military circles, intensified Georgian fears of fragmentation.".
- ^ a b c Jones 2012, p. 43.
- ^ de Waal, Thomas (2 November 2018). The Caucasus: An Introduction. Oxford University Press. p. 149. ISBN 978-0-19-068311-5.
Gamsakhurdia did his best to inflame the situation, telling Ajarians provocatively that as Muslims they were not proper Georgians.
- ^ Forsyth, James (2013). The Caucasus: A History. Cambridge University Press. p. 694. ISBN 9780521872959.
- ^ Toft, Monica Duffy (2001). "Multinationality, Regions and State-Building: The Failed Transition in Georgia". Regional & Federal Studies. 11 (3): 133–135. doi:10.1080/714004709. ISSN 1359-7566. S2CID 154657581.
The initial tension between Tbilisi and Batumi arose from the nature of Georgian nationalizing policies which emphasized a Georgianness that was tied explicitly to Christianity. Because the Ajars were Muslim, they were seen as falling outside this conception of national identity and, therefore, a threat to the unity and the legitimacy of the newly independent state.
- ^ Peuch, Jean-Christophe (25 May 2001). "Georgia: Meskhetian Issue Stirs Society (Part II)". Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.
- ^ Preston, Jessica (7 October 2016). "Pig Heads and Petty Hooliganism National Identity and Religious Freedom in the Republic of Georgia". The Journal of International Relations, Peace Studies, and Development. 2 (1). ISSN 2429-2133.
- ^ Jones, Stephen F. (1993). "Georgian-Armenian Relations in 1918-20 and 1991-94: A Comparison". Armenian Review. 46 (1–4): 57–77.
- ^ English, Robert. "Georgia: The Ignored History | Robert English". ISSN 0028-7504. Retrieved 24 October 2023.
- ^ Sabanadze, Natalie (23 January 2013), "Chapter 4. Globalization and Georgian Nationalism", Globalization and Nationalism : The Cases of Georgia and the Basque Country, CEUP collection, Budapest: Central European University Press, pp. 67–114, ISBN 978-963-386-006-9, retrieved 24 October 2023
- ^ a b Bloodshed in the Caucasus: violations of humanitarian law and Human Rights in the Georgia-South Ossetia conflict (PDF). New York: Helsinki Watch, a division of Human Rights Watch. 1992. ISBN 978-1-56432-058-2.
- ^ Khutsishvili, George (February–March 1994). "Intervention in Transcaucasus". Perspective. 4 (3).
- ^ Nodia, Ghia (31 December 1997). Walker, Edward W.; Wood, Alexandra; Radovich, A. Sasha (eds.). "Causes and Visions of Conflict in Abkhazia". Berkeley Program in Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies. UC Berkeley.
Of course Georgian nationalists, especially in the Gamsakhurdia period, were far from sensitive to minority issues. According to many accounts, Georgia for the Georgians was Gamsakhurdia's slogan, which in fact is not true. I personally never heard anything like this slogan at his rallies and have never seen anybody cite a source for it. But it probably expressed his true attitude. Moreover, one can find many truly racist quotations in the Georgian press in that period.
- ^ Toft, Monica Duffy (2003). The Geography of Ethnic Violence: Identity, Interests, and the Indivisibility of Territory. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-12383-7.
The individual who came the closest to fitting this description is Zviad Gamsakhurdia, an outspoken Georgian chauvinist. [...] Although it could be argued that Gamsakhurdia in fact stirred nationalist passions among Georgians prior to his ouster, more than eight months passed between his ouster and the firing of the first shots in the Abkhaz civil war. [...] His earlier dissident writings often invoked the peril of the Georgian nation and blamed both Moscow and the minorities for the destruction of its land, language, and culture. So his slogan "Georgia for the Georgians" was interpreted as a battle cry for the suppression of minorities.
- ^ Zakharov, Nikolay; Law, Ian (2017). Post-Soviet racisms. Mapping global racisms. London: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 118. ISBN 978-1-137-47691-3.
- ^ Mihalkanin, Edward (2016). "The Abkhazians A national minority in their own homeland". In Bahcheli, Tozun; Bartmann, Barry; Srebrnik, Henry (eds.). De Facto States: The Quest for Sovereignty. Routledge. p. 148. ISBN 9781138990616.
Gamsakhurdia's increasingly xenophobic rule exhibited an intolerance and violence that rejected the political participation of 'minorities' that had lived as neighbours of the Georgians for centuries.
- ^ Elbakidze, Marina (2008). "Multi-Ethnic Society in Georgia: A Pre-Condition for Xenophobia or an Arena for Cultural Dialogue?". Anthropology of East Europe Review. 26 (1): 38. ISSN 2153-2931.
The independent Georgia of the post-Soviet era, led by President Zviad Gamsakhurdia (1991), began to build a new state based on a mono-ethnic principle. The extreme nationalist position of the government and of certain sections of society is well illustrated by popular slogans of the time such as 'Georgia only for the Georgians' (Dzhavakhishvili & Frichova 2005). Against the background of the drive for independence, chauvinist rhetoric and extremist nationalism led to tensions in relations between ethnic groups and later to armed conflict in Southern Ossetia. The vast majority of ethnic minority citizens who emigrated from Georgia between the declaration of independence and the present day left the country at precisely this time.
- ^ Janse, Diana. "Georgia and the Russian Aggression". www.ui.se. Swedish Institute of International Affairs. Retrieved 7 October 2023.
Nationalistic and xenophobic sentiments ran high and Georgia's then president, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, was calling for a Georgia for the (ethnic) Georgians.
- ^ Tsereteli, Mamuka (2014). "Georgia as a geographical pivot". In Jones, Stephen (ed.). The Making of Modern Georgia, 1918–2012. Routledge. pp. 74–93. doi:10.4324/9781315818207-5. ISBN 9781315818207.
Gamsakhurdia took an overly hostile position towards minorities, showing little concern for accommodation of their claims and interests. [...] Nationalists, led by former Soviet dissident Zviad Gamsakhurdia, formed the first government in post-Soviet Georgia. Their negative policies toward national minorities led in large part to their failure to gain international recognition. The decision to abolish South Ossetian autonomy in 1990, justified by the fear of territorial autonomies and their use by the Kremlin, triggered the first ethnic clashes and the de facto secession of the region.
- ^ Jones 2006, p. 262.
- ^ Jones 2006, p. 258: "Driven by a mystical vision of Georgian unity and the threat of multiple enemies, Gamsakhurdia's radical nationalist rhetoric helped shape a psychological state of siege. Leaders like Vladislav Ardzinba (Abkhazia) and Torez Kulumbegov (South Osetia) followed suit. They used the demographic card even more effectively, defending communities that numerically were in a far worse situation than the Georgian.".
- ^ Jones 2006, p. 259.
- ^ Donnacha, Beachain (2012). "The dynamics of electoral politics in Abkhazia" (PDF). Communist and Post-Communist Studies. 45 (1–2): 172. doi:10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.03.008. ISSN 0967-067X.
Attempting to assuage the fears of the Abkhaz, Gamsakhurdia assented in 1991 to a legislature in Abkhazia that saw the largest portion of seats (28 out of 65) go to the Abkhaz despite numbering a mere 17.8% of the population, and exceeding representation afforded to the Georgians (26 seats) who constituted almost a majority (45.7%) of Abkhazia's population.
- ^ Coppieters 2005, p. 366.
- ^ Human Rights Violations by the Government of Zviad Gamsakhurdia (Helsinki Watch via Human Rights Watch), 27 December 1991
- ^ a b Republic of Georgia: Death Penalty— Update (PDF). Amnesty International. January 1994. p. 5.
Although discussion about the need to limit capital offences had been under way for several years on a federal level, in 1991 Georgia became the first republic in the former USSR to take concrete moves to abolish the death penalty. On 20 March parliament abolished the death penalty for four economic offences not involving the use of violence... The first moves towards abolition described above were under the government of President Zviad Gamsakhurdia, who was re-elected overwhelmingly in May 1991 in Georgia's first ever direct presidential election.
- ^ Georgia: Time to Abolish the Death Penalty (PDF). Amnesty International. 1991. p. 4.
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- ^ a b "ზვიად გამსახურდიას მკვლელობა - დინების საწინააღმდეგოდ". YouTube. 9 June 2013. Archived from the original on 11 December 2021. Retrieved 10 February 2021.
- ^ a b "ზვიად გამსახურდიას დაცვის წევრების ლიკვიდაციის დეტალები". YouTube. 2 April 2018. Archived from the original on 11 December 2021. Retrieved 10 February 2021.
- ^ a b "President Zurabishvili welcomes continuation of investigation into death of 1st president of Georgia". Agenda.ge. 28 December 2018. Retrieved 29 December 2018.
- ^ "President Salome Zourabichvili's Statement on Zviad Gamsakhurdia's Murder Case". Official Website of the President of Georgia. 21 December 2018. Retrieved 29 December 2018.
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- ^ Ken Alibek and S. Handelman. Biohazard: The Chilling True Story of the Largest Covert Biological Weapons Program in the World – Told from Inside by the Man Who Ran it. 1999. Delta (2000) ISBN 0-385-33496-6
- ^ a b "Reburial for Georgia ex-president". BBC News. Archived from the original on 1 December 2008. Retrieved 1 April 2007.
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- ^ Kolstø, Pål (2000). Political Construction Sites: Nation-Building in Russia and the Post-Soviet States. Westview Press. p. 70. ISBN 9780813337524.
- ^ a b "First Ladies of Independent Georgia". Georgian Journal. 29 October 2018. Archived from the original on 3 November 2018. Retrieved 21 April 2020.
- ^ Elizabeth Fuller, “Geopolitics and the Gamsakhurdia Factor,” Paper delivered at AAASS Convention, Phoenix, November 19, 1992, quoted in Suny 1994, p. 326.
- ^ Zviad Gamsakhurdia, The Spiritual Mission of Georgia, trans. Arrian Tchanturia; ed. William Safranek (Tbilisi: Ganatleba Publishers, 1991): 7–33.
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- ^ "საქართველოს პარლამენტის დადგენილება 1991-92 წლების დეკემბერ-იანვრის მოვლენების სამართლებრივი შეფასების შესახებ". Matsne of Georgia. 22 March 2005.
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Sources
- Coppieters, Bruno (2005). "Conclusion" (PDF). In Coppieters, Bruno; Legvold, Robert (eds.). Statehood and Security: Georgia after the Rose Revolution. American Academy studies in global security. American Academy of Arts and Sciences. ISBN 978-0-262-03343-5.
- Ivanauskas, Vilius (1 June 2018). "From Establishment to Dissent: The Cases of the Litterateurs Tomas Venclova and Zviad Gamsakhurdia in Soviet Lithuania and Soviet Georgia". Histoire@Politique (35). doi:10.4000/histoirepolitique.6377. ISSN 1954-3670. S2CID 208537111.
- Jones, Stephen F. (2006). "Georgia: Nationalism from under the Rubble" (PDF). In Barrington, Lowell (ed.). After Independence: Making and Protecting the Nation in Postcolonial and Postcommunist States. University of Michigan Press. pp. 248–276. doi:10.3998/mpub.126246. ISBN 978-0-472-09898-9. JSTOR 10.3998/mpub.126246.13.
- Jones, Stephen (2012). Georgia: A Political History Since Independence. Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-1-84511-338-4.
- Slider, Darrell (November–December 1991). "The Politics of Georgia's Independence". Problems of Communism. 40 (6): 63–79.
- Suny, Ronald Grigor (1994). The Making of the Georgian Nation (2nd ed.). Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-35579-9. OCLC 29908699.
- Tolz, Vera; Newton, Melanie (1993). The USSR In 1991: A Record Of Events. Westview Press. ISBN 9780367312503.
Further reading
- Burkadze, Zarina (2022). Great Power Competition and the Path to Democracy: The Case of Georgia, 1991-2020. University of Rochester Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctv24tr8hv.7.
- Cheterian, Vicken (2012). "The Origins and Trajectory of the Caucasian Conflicts". Europe-Asia Studies. 64 (9): 1625–1649. doi:10.1080/09668136.2012.718415. ISSN 0966-8136. JSTOR 23274948. S2CID 144837761.
- Kaufman, Stuart J. (2001). Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-8736-6.
- Gamsachurdia, Konstantin (1995). Swiad Gamsachurdia: Dissident, Präsident, Märtyrer (in German). Perseus-Verlag. ISBN 9783907564196.
- van der Plas, Bas (2000). Georgie: traditie en tragedie in de Kaukasus (in Dutch). Papieren Tijger. ISBN 9789067281140.
External links
- Country Studies: Georgia — U.S. Library of Congress
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